Lim Kit Siang listens & speak up for you in the Parliament even in the face of oppression & threat of detention

Orang Asli to Kit Siang: Help us...

Lim Kit Siang being a great listener continues to charm the people on the ground despite his constant portrayal as a chauvinist, racist and traitor in the main-stream media. Lim Kit Siang's political opponent continues to attack him...most notably MCA's Chua Soi Lek (Picture below). However, Chua chose to attack Kit Siang from the comfort of the BN-Controlled Media and opted out to challenge Kit Siang in the Gelang Patah, Johor parliamentary contest in the up-coming 13th General Elections. So I can sum up:

A VOTE FOR BARISAN NASIONAL

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A VOTE FOR LEADERS LIKE CHUA SOI LEK

OR

A VOTE FOR PAKATAN RAKYAT

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A VOTE FOR LEADERS LIKE

Lim Kit Siang with the late Tunku Abdul Rahman

Lim Kit Siang came to the defence of Tunku Abdul Rahman when Tunku when defamed by Tun Mahathir. Where are the UMNO/BN Leaders when the late honorable Tunku is being defamed lately? Click here to read the story.

May God Almighty bless great leaders like Uncle Lim.

Joshua

505

Vote for Change

Why Malay voters need to support Kit Siang- By Zaid Ibrahim

DAP gets Malay leaders to fend off "anti-Malay" notion

DAP gets Malay leaders to fend off 'anti-Malay' notion

Kuek Ser Kuang Keng 3:28PM Apr 24, 2013

VIDEO | 3.55 min 

JOHOR Entering into the second phase of the campaign, Johor Pakatan Rakyat, after building up a strong momentum with Chinese voters, is now moving more aggressively into Malay areas to quash its ‘anti-Malay’ perception, especially towards DAP.

Even before nomination day, Umno leaders including former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad and incumbent Johor Menteri Besar Abdul Ghani Othman have been trying to paint DAP’s campaign in Johor as something that will destroy the social harmony long enjoyed by different races in the state.

Due to decades of political monopoly by BN in Johor, coupled with Pakatan’s weak grassroots and publicity machinery in the state, the anti-Malay image of DAP, especially its parliamentary leader Lim Kit Siang, is something that Pakatan cannot ignore.

Last night PAS and DAP held a ceramah dubbed ‘Islam, rulers and Malays protected under Pakatan Rakyat’ at Taman Nusantara, a racially mixed residential area in the parliamentary constituency of Gelang Patah where DAP parliamentary leader Lim Kit Siang is contesting.

The new residential area, which is home to many civil servants in the nearby state administration centre Kota Iskandar and Chinese Johoreans who are working in Singapore, also falls into the state seat of Nusa Jaya contested by PAS vice-president Salahuddin Ayub.

The ceramah has roped in former law minister Zaid Ibrahim (left) to address a multi-racial crowd of some 1,000. He wasted no time to help Kit Siang dispel the anti-Malay allegations.

“I have known Kit Siang for a very long time, inside and outside of Parliament.

“I know him as a brave MP. I have never heard him attacking Islam or belittling Malay leaders in Parliament, never,” said the former Umno minister, who was sacked for protesting the use of the Internal Security Act in 2008.

“He always talks about the issue of good governance, corruption and others. In the past, if Mahathir (Mohamad) has succeeded in convincing Malays that Kit Siang is against the rights of Malays, that is a lie!

“How can he fight against the rights stipulated in the federal constitution? He can’t,” he stressed, reminding the crowd that Malays still dominate the country with a majority population of 62 percent.

Instead of being racist, Kit Siang is one one of the most important leaders in the future of Malaysia, Zaid said, drawing rounds of applause from the animated crowd.

Leaflets campaign

In addition to ceramah, PAS also publishes leaflets to assure the Malay constituents that the special rights of bumiputra in the civil service, education and public scholarships, as well as the status of Islam and Malay rulers as stipulated in the federal constitution, would be guaranteed under Pakatan’s rule.

The leaflets also show a table listing out the number of parliamentary seats contested by all three Pakatan parties in the 2008 general election to drive home the message that Malays remain as the dominant force in the coalition.

On PAS’s side, Salahuddin’s campaign seemed to have gained some momentum in the Malay urban areas which are more open to alternative information.

A PAS ceramah last night at an outdoor sports court surrounded by low-cost flats in Taman Cempaka has attracted some 400 Malay residents. Many other residents in the flat were seen following the ceramah from their windows and balconies.

Spending most of his 30-minute speech on land and housing issues faced by the Malay residents in southern Johor, Salahuddin (below) took a more aggressive approach by naming names.

“Ghani took those lands as his own reward. He makes profit from the lands,” he said in accusing the state’s top executive, who is seen as the main mover behind the development of Iskandar Malaysia.

The rapid development of the special economic zone in the past few years has seen a property boom in the greater Johor Bahru area, attracting local and foreign investors, especially Singaporeans.

It has not only pushed up property prices, but also more land previously occupied by squatters and Malay traditional villages have been acquired for development projects, which has become the main thrust of PAS’s campaign in the area.

As the sentiment of Chinese Johoreans largely follows the national trend, the support of Malays will be the key factor to determine whether the southern state is still the ‘safe deposit’ of BN.

If Pakatan can push its Malay support from the average of 20 percent in 2008 to 35 percent in this general election, with the Chinese support hitting 75 to 80 percent, it could bag as many as 10 parliamentary seats in Johor.

The Fight of 505 - By Allan CF Goh

The Fight Of 505

By Allan CF Goh

This epic date is about right

Fighting against bedeviled might.

It is the fight of the life’s light,

Against dark shadows of the night.

It’s the fight of the good Rama,

Against the evil Ravana.

Reject evil as our karma,

And defend the worthwhile dharma.

This day we oppose racism,

And all acts of extremism,

That divide fraternalism.

Poll for real nationalism.

Come this General Election,

Eliminate the corruptions,

And all their soulless corrosion,

That breed foul discrimination.

Citizens, let’s vote for justice,

In the governmental lattice,

For good and positive practice,

Free of any racial malice.

Let’s change, and vote for decency,

With folks’ rights in ascendancy.

Let’s vote for true democracy,

With people’s voice in primacy,

To ensure our children’s future,

We need unbiased social structure,

And education with good feature;

Different from today’s caricature.

Vote for men of perspicuity,

And people of morality.

This day we choose equality,

Or foul racist depravity.

Malaysiakini - 'Malay nationalism' a hurdle for Johor Pakatan

'Malay nationalism' a hurdle for Johor Pakatan

Kuek Ser Kuang Keng & Lee Way Loon 2:29PM Apr 22, 2013

GE13 ANALYSIS Since election campaigning began informally in Johor a month ago, photographs have gone viral on the Internet showing thousands of Chinese Malaysians at Pakatan Rakyat ceramahs in major cities in the state.

This may have convinced many supporters that the BN stronghold is ready to be swept up by the ‘political storm’ that Pakatan hopes to create in the 13th general election.

The DAP’s two mega ceramahs in Skudai (in the south) and Kluang (in the middle of the state) last Saturday night was dubbed 'Super Saturday' - it attracted a crowd of some 20,000, the majority of who were Chinese Malaysians.

The attendance may not translate to votes but the RM92,447 raised at the ceramah in Skudai, which some 7,000 people attended, was telling.

From the response observed in Malay areas, Pakatan has yet to make significant inroads into the BN vote bank.

At two ceramahs held by PAS last Saturday in Pulai, where party vice-president Salahuddin Ayub is contesting, the attendance was less than 50 at each, even though Salahuddin and two other Pakatan candidates were scheduled to speak.

Whether Pakatan can make a dent in BN support largely depends on its ability to overcome two major hurdles - the geographical setting of major towns and the characteristics of Malay Johoreans.

Johor is the fifth-largest state of Malaysia, with major towns being located far from each other. Inter-town travel usually takes more than one hour. 

This has limited the information flow among communities and hemmed in the momentum created by Pakatan in various locations, preventing this from building up a domino effect.

This is contrary to the scenario in Penang in the 2008 general election, when anti-BN sentiments had spread like wildfire across the island due to the close proximity between communities. 

DAP election strategist Liew Chin Tong (left), who is the candidate for the Kluangparliamentary constituency, said Pakatan needs 30-35 percent of the Malay votes - from the average of 20 percent in 2008 - in order to bring about meaningful political change to the state.

PAS aims to raise the support level to 35 or 37 percent, according to Salahuddin.

Race above all else

The second hurdle is more challenging as it is deeply rooted in the psychology and culture of Malay Johoreans.

Being the birthplace of Umno (in 1946) and many of its strongmen, Johor's political landscape has largely been shaped by Umno's race-based politics built on Malay dominance. 

Having been under Umno’s political monopoly for almost seven decades, Malay Johoreans have been indoctrinated with a strong sense of Malay nationalism and supremacy.

“The Malays in Kelantan and Kedah place religion before race, but Malays in Johor place race before religion. Issues about Malay rights or foreign control really worry them,” said a young Johor PAS leader who has been working on the ground for years.

Although the Malays enjoy a cordial relationship with non-Malay communities, they will not compromise should their political dominance be threatened, he said.

Understanding this mindset well, Umno has played up the issue that Johor PKR chief Chua Jui Meng (right in photo) will become menteri besar under Pakatan rule, even though the state constitution stipulates that only a Malay can be appointed to the post.

Another popular conspiracy spread by Umno, according to PAS campaigners, is that Anwar Ibrahim will be nothing more than a temporary prime minister before giving the job to DAP should Pakatan come to power at federal level.

To allay these fears, PAS leaders including Salahuddin have stressed that a Chinese Malaysian will not be either prime minister or menteri besar in a Pakatan-led government, and that the coalition will safeguard the status of bumiputras, Malay rulers, Islam and the Malay language.

The lukewarm response of Malay voters has been expected by PAS.

“Malay Johoreans don't like politics because they don't like friction with others and politics is full of friction,” said Suhaizan Kaiat (left), PAS candidate for Kempas, a state seat under Pulai.

“They also don't like to express their political stance. They do not want people to say, 'Hey, I saw you at the opposition ceramah', so they seldom attend our ceramahs.”

Hence, PAS is engaging voters on door-to-door visits and during walkabouts, which are off the media radar. Leaflets are distributed during these activities to explain issues.

“Malay Johoreans don't like strong language, they prefer an ethical campaign, so we have to use a soft approach to reach out to them. We don't attack our opponents too aggressively,” Suhaizan explained.

This partly explains why moderate Umno leaders such as incumbent Johor Bahru MP Shahrir Abdul Samad and incumbent Menteri Besar Abdul Ghani Othman are popular in Johor.

Ghani has repeatedly denied that his task is to bury his rival Lim Kit Siang's political career in Gelang Patah, a remark first made by former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad and repeated by other Umno leaders. 

Non-confrontational approach

PKR campaign in Malay areas have adopted a similar ‘softly softly’ approach.

“Anwar has repeatedly told me that PKR's focus is Malay voters. Organising ceramahs can only attract our own supporters. So most of my campaign will comprise walkabouts to introduce myself to Malay voters,” said Steven Choong(left), PKR candidate for Tebrauparliamentary seat.

“I will organise only a few ceramahs in Chinese areas.”

The non-confrontation approach also means that the Malay community could favour the status quo and stick to what they are familiar with, particularly among the older generation.

"This is where Umno was born. PAS' ideology is something that was brought in by religious teachers from Kelantan," said 55-year-old Tasri Taib at a stall in Labis.

Islamist ideology that forms PAS' political foundation is less well received in Johor.

Asked about hudud law, Azlan Khamis, 61, said point blank that its implementation would only serve to unfairly punish Muslims.

"It's a multiracial country. How can you chop off the hands of a Muslim who steals, but not that of Ah Chong? Does that mean that Ah Chong can steal? We are a multiracial country, so (hudud) won’t work," said Azlan, an Umno supporter.

The geographical barrier may not significantly deter the younger generation in their political leanings, according to Tasri, who lamented that this "stubborn generation" just will not support Umno a their parents have all along.

"In my village, there's a family whose parents are both with Umno. Their son, who is a teacher, insists on supporting PAS,” he related.

"I asked him why and he said he sees all kinds of things on the Internet. But what you see on the Internet may not always be accurate.”

Another important factor that gives hope to Pakatan, is the rapid increase of the Malay population in urban centres.

They are more open to attending ceramahs, as has been seen in Segamat and Kluang, where a substantial number of the community also reside and do business.

Liew, who studied Malaysian Islamic politics and PAS for his degree programme at the Australian National University, claimed he can sense strong undercurrents among Malay Johoreans.

He likened this to the mood among Chinese voters before the 'political tsunami' of 2008.

“Our target is 35 percent of Malay votes. I think we are not far from there. I’ve met many people especially Malays. The young Malays give you a feeling that they really support Pakatan. They would say'ubah' (change) and 'semoga berjaya' (wish you success),” he toldMalaysiakini.

“They would use a passionate but cautious way to tell you that they are supporting you. It is like the Chinese before 2008. They would tell you 'to the sky' if they support DAP.”

Additional reporting by Nigel Aw

Lim Kit Siang reacts to RoS threat of ban on DAP using the Rocket symbol on 13GE (Before Nomination Day 20th April 2013)

After a public uproar and a proven close cooperation of the DAP with PAS and PKR. The RoS reaffirmed of no objection for DAP Candidates using the iconic Rocket Symbol with a late official letter sent to DAP Headquarters in Kuala Lumpur at 10.00pm (19th April 2013). (View from 9.00 minutes- when Lim Kit Siang speaks)

Nevertheless on 20th April 2013. The Election Commission has accepted all DAP Candidates using the Rocket Symbol in 13 GE. But it is good to know that all DAP Candidates carried two letter of Authorisation, one by the DAP signed by DAP Secretary-General Lim Guan Eng and another letter by PAS signed by PAS Secretary-General Mustafa Ali (Authorizing the Moon symbol) in Penisular Malaysia and PKR signed by PKR President Wan Azizah.

Crossing the lines - BN's early strategic mistakes -by Bridget Welsh

Bridget Welsh. 19th April 2013: COMMENT In assessing any electoral campaign, it is essential to review the assumptions and implications of different strategic moves. 

Three decisions on the part of BN in the last two weeks are leading to tectonic shifts within the electorate, and thus strengthen the opposition’s position nationally. 

These are:

1. The use of sex videos against PAS and possibly other opposition politicians.

2. The fielding of Perkasa leader Zulkifli Noordin in Shah Alam.

3. The action by the Registrar of Societies (ROS) in not recognising DAP’s central executive committee (CEC). 

The combined effect of these moves have strengthened the opposition coalition and negatively impact the BN’s position with the electorate in the lead up to the May 5 general election. 

Let’s take each of these in turn:

1. Smut videos

Since 1999, the use of sex has become the mode of attack by BN. The list includes PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim, MCA president Chua Soi Lek, PKR deputy president Azmin Ali, and more recently, PAS secretary-general Mustafa Ali, among others. 

Sex videos have also played a role in the Umno polls, including against caretaker Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak (left) himself. The aim is to use character assassination to tarnish reputations, and to do so through personal attacks. 

Somehow, the incumbent government has in its mind, that by using sex, they can sway voters. This tactic raises some interesting questions: Why has the use of smut become the tool of attack by BN? Why does BN think this can work? And why do they continue to use this tactic when it is clearly not working?

The use of smut by BN reflects more on the party itself than the opposition. It fundamentally shows a lack of respect for the rules of decency, especially given than many of these videos are clearly constructed through technology rather than truth. 

It also reveals what their own priorities are. Somehow, there is an assumption that the Malaysian electorate will be swayed by smut. This shows how BN conceives the priorities of the general public.

The evidence shows that the original Anwar sodomy attack backfired politically in 1999. Further questions have been raised through the media barrage and a second trial. Polls show that the overwhelming majority of Malaysians see the second trial and subsequent videos for what they are - shallow political ploys. 

The conservative Malays they are targeting are offended by the use of smut. Many in the public do not think that these videos are credible. The now sub-contracted production of such sex tapes has led to diminishing returns that are clearly backfiring. 

Nowhere was this clearer when the video allegedly portraying Mustafa Ali was released last week. Apparently, Najib’s Umno decided to go after one of the most powerful and respected senior leaders in PAS. 

However, the impact has ironically led to a strengthening of resolve among the opposition to work together to form a new government. When a party is attacked, people naturally rally together. This has been the pattern for the opposition coalition since the Perak crisis. 

BN’s use of smut has ultimately hurt itself as it highlights the use of unchecked personal attacks to hold onto power. Given that one of the BN’s party presidents has his own sex video that he has acknowledged as real, BN appears to be nothing but hypocritical. 

Furthermore, they have misread the public by assuming that they can be swayed by base innuendo. Indeed, in terms of the electorate, smut is not a determinant of voting behaviour. 

2. Fielding Zulkifli Noordin

Decisions matter, especially those that provoke incredulity. The announcement of lawyer Zulkifli Noordin as a candidate for Umno overshadows all the other candidates, including Najib himself. 

While there are some talented names in the Umno list, they are being tainted by the appointment of a person who is perceived to be an ultra chauvinist, and who has openly attacked Hinduism and Christianity in a manner that had provoked public outrage. 

The video evidence of Zulkifli disparaging the Hindu religion was already viral and has reached record circulations, especially among the Indian community which will be decisive in this election. The electorate is understandably asking whether the views of Zulkifli are those of Najib’s. He, after all, is the person who appointed the candidate who has openly shown disrespect towards many fellow Malaysians.

This tactic also raises questions: Does Najib endorse the views that are being advocated by Zulkifli (right)? Why is there so little respect for multicultural tolerance among the candidates in the BN list? 

The views of the caretaker prime minister on the racial statements of Zulkifli have not been made clear. These are among the questions that Najib will now be pressured to answer as the video footage goes into outlying areas. 

Politically, the use of race has long been a feature of Malaysian politics, but the content and tone of the Zulkifli remarks reflect a defensive (and offensive) anger and reactionary position on ethnic relations. 

This election will be shaped by the ability of the winner to reach out across different communities. We have seen tactically the use of racial polarisation since Najib took office in 2009 in the different by-elections, but never has any premier, who is supposed to represent the entire country, opted for endorsing these views through the candidate selection. 

This is backfiring, not only among non-Malays, but also among younger and more exposed Malays who do not need the crutch of racial fear and insecurity to be confident and proud of their achievements. 

3. ROS' harassment

The ROS letter to DAP yesterday brought out into the open the persistent use of government departments to threaten political parties, and it showcased underhanded tactics. 

This practice has been common for years, especially in Sabah and Sarawak. Despite the ROS’ approval of Pakatan’s registration, it has been held up in the ministries for years. The ROS is being used for political aims, thus undermining its reputation and further undermining the credibility of the country’s institutions.

This tactic is perhaps the most blatant. Do they assume that people do not respect fair play? Do they think that Malaysians are willing to accept a process that is unfair?

 

The decision to deny the CEC of the DAP highlights BN’s tactical decision to use state power at the last minute to create disarray and sow confusion. 

The decision foreshadows a possible deregistration and potential use of these legal administrative procedures to hold onto power. By going after DAP in such a manner, the BN underestimates the wishes of ordinary Malaysians for fair play and decency. 

The impact has ironically brought in even more cooperation among the opposition, and the possibility of DAP now contesting under the banners of PAS and PKR has the potential to showcase a shared commitment. The opposition coalition emerged stronger from this move as it reflects confidence and trust in each other. 

There is plenty of time for the political parties to communicate the decision to the electorate. Ironically, after bruising inter-party seat negotiations, the ROS action has moved the parties further together.

Losing the PR battle

Tactics are crucial in any campaign. Those that cross the line only undermine those who use them. BN’s moves of late illustrate that the choices they are making do not take into account of how they will be perceived on the ground. 

Studies on dirty tactics vary. In this case, however, BN’s tactics are likely to go beyond what is acceptable. They seem to underestimate the sense of fair play among Malaysians. On many fronts, they appear to insult the intelligence of the electorate in the assumptions of how they will vote and why. 

Malaysian politics have shown that sentiment is a powerful force, potentially more powerful than money or machinery. This has been crucial in close elections. It is the decisive force that pushes voters toward one side or another. In the battle for sentiment to date, the BN coalition has indeed miscalculated.

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DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University. She is travelling around Malaysia to provide her GE13 analyses exclusively to Malaysiakini. Bridget can be reached at bwelsh@smu.edu.sg.